In our last three newsletters, we explained
the long awaited financial reform legislation Regulatory
Reform 1, Regulatory
Reform 2, Regulatory
Reform 3. House and Senate compromises have resulted
in a conference agreement early Friday morning reconciling
many versions of the Restoring American
Financial Stability Act (now known as the Dodd-Frank
Bill). Negotiation has brought agreement
on several key tenets of the act, including the proposed
Consumer Protection Agency and SEC self-funding. Initially,
both House and Senate versions of the bill called
for a Consumer Protection Agency, but disagreement
as to where to house the proposed agency ensued. In
compromise, House democrats yielded to the Senate
version, which houses the Consumer Protection Agency
in the Federal Reserve and excludes the auto financing
industry.
SEC funding is currently
subject to a congressional appropriations process,
allowing for political considerations to affect the
size of the budget. Self-funding is accomplished by
charging fees for various filings at the SEC, allowing
for swift expansion in times of crisis. Originally,
the Senate bill called for SEC self-funding, while
the House version did not. Many were skeptical of
the SEC self-funding provision surviving, including
chairman of the House-Senate conference Barney Frank.
Former SEC Chairman Arthur Levitt summed up the rationale:
“The various oversight and appropriating committees
simply don’t want to say good-bye to this honey pot.”
The compromise allows the SEC to set up an emergency
reserve fund for capital-improvement projects or for
times of crisis. It would also allow the SEC to submit
its budget directly to Congress without needing prior
approval by the White House. "This approach ensures
the SEC has the funding it needs while still ensuring
it be accountable to Congress," said Sen. Richard
Shelby, an Alabama Republican
There is also a broad-based push to
standardize contracts and centralize derivative
trading as much as possible. The Senate version
of the bill was the most extreme, as it mandated banks
spin-off their swap trading units. The compromise
allows banks to engage in trades of contracts of traditional
banking bets, such as on interest rates and the price
of gold. But banks would have to two years to spin
off affiliates if they want to make riskier trades,
ranging from commodities to credit default swaps.
The bill calls for international cooperation and information-sharing
agreements. Furthermore, the bill calls for the trading
of derivative contracts to be conducted through central
clearinghouses.
The Volcker Rule, which would prohibit
a bank from engaging in proprietary trading and from
owning or investing in hedge funds or private equity,
was originally a key point of contention between the
original House and Senate versions of the bill. Underpinning
this rule is the rationale that banks should not use
guaranteed funds to speculate. However, there are
subtle differences in facilitating client trades and
speculating. The House version did not include the
Volcker Rule, while the Senate version did. In compromise,
lawmakers agreed to give regulators more specifics
and less leeway when it comes to preventing banks
from trading for themselves or owning hedge funds.
But they also watered it down in several ways: It
doesn't impact insurers. Additionally, the bill allows
some proprietary trading in areas, such as government
debt, for hedging purposes and small business investments.
As for the ban on banks owning hedge funds, the provision
allows Wall Street banks that take commercial deposits
to sink as much as 3% of capital in hedge funds or
private equity. It has been reported that is the current
amount so that it’s not a reduction but a limit.
Another point of disagreement concerns fiduciary
duty for broker/dealers. Many parties are
concerned with the subjective nature of the “fiduciary
duty” standard and its application to broker/dealers.
The application of the duty would apply when a broker
goes beyond its traditional role to act as an adviser
but the dividing line has been very murky as new products
and services come online. The House version creates
a higher standard of fiduciary duty for brokers than
does the Senate version. The House version would require
brokers have a “fiduciary duty” to their clients,
as currently brokers must at minimum only ensure a
product is suitable for a client. Meanwhile, the original
Senate version only called for a study to see if broker/dealers
and investment advisers could be governed by an overarching
standard of care. Lawmakers unanimously approved language
that empowers the Securities and Exchange Commission
to write a regulation requiring broker-dealers to
act in the best interests of their clients and to
reveal any conflicts of interest when providing investment
advice to retail clients after the study is concluded.
Sarbanes-Oxley (SOX)
continues to be a hot-button issue in the bill reconciliation
process. On June 16, 2010, the conference committee
reconciled the House and Senate versions of the federal
financial reform bill by agreeing to exempt compliance
with Sarbanes-Oxley Act (SOX) Section 404(b) for companies
with less than $75 million in market capitalization.
Under the provisions of SOX 404, publicly reporting
companies and their independent auditors are each
required to report on the effectiveness of internal
controls over financial reporting. Section 404(a)
requires all public companies to assess the effectiveness
of their internal control over financial reporting,
while Section 404(b) requires independent auditors
to report on management’s assessment a large expense
for small companies. In another related development
the Supreme Court issued its long awaited PCAOB decision
On June 28th and the chairman of the SEC explained
as follows:
Washington, D.C., June 28, 2010 — Today the
Supreme Court issued its decision in Free Enterprise
Fund and Beckstead and Watts, LLP v. Public Company
Accounting Oversight Board and United States of America.
In its decision, the Supreme Court held that the restriction
on removal of Board members under the Sarbanes-Oxley
Act of 2002 violates separation of powers principles,
but found that the provision was severable from the
remainder of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act. The Court stated
that the Act “remains fully operative as a law” with
the for-cause restrictions excised, leaving the members
of the PCAOB subject to removal by the Commission
without restriction. The opinion does not call into
question any action taken by the PCAOB since its inception.
Credit Ratings Agencies
scored victories in Friday’s compromise, as language
that originally would have allowed for investors to
sue over faulty ratings was significantly softened
(http://www.businessweek.com/news/2010-06-26/overhaul-of-financial-regulation-on-path-to-obama-s-desk.html).
The bill allows the SEC to conduct studies and recommend
procedures for the ratings of asset-backed securities.
The following changes are also included
in the conference agreement:
• The cost of implementing Wall Street
reform bills is around $19 billion and the conference
initially decided to pay for it by taxing
the largest financial firms, with firms taking
the biggest risks paying the most. However on June
29th this provision was dropped to gain the support
of Senator Scott Brown. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/06/30/AR2010063001180.html
• A new council of federal regulators
would try to monitor the entire financial services
industry.
• Private equity and hedge funds
with $100 million under management. would have to
register with regulators and open their books to scrutiny.
Not so for venture capital funds, which would be exempt
• The Treasury would monitor state insurance
regulation.
• Banks would have to set aside more capital
to ride out tough times, but will get several years
to comply
• The Fed's emergency lending during
the crisis would be reviewed, but not its decisions
on interest rates
• Fees charged on debit card transactions
would be reduced -
• FDIC insurance on deposits would
be permanently raised to $250 million.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/06/29/AR2010062904629.html
While important agreements have been
made in recent weeks, the bill still faces several
obstacles before it reaches the President’s desk including
the death of Senator Byrd. Republicans are upset the
bill essentially leaves Fannie and Freddie essentially
untouched, and will likely make this a key point of
debate. Even if agreements on key tenets are reached,
the sustainability of the key provisions of the bill
will be in question if the House and Senate change
majorities in the mid-term elections.